Violence Against Women and Challenges to Political Participation in Libya

More than a decade after the Arab Spring, women in Libya face an unprecedented level of violence and intimidation that limits their ability to participate in public safely and freely, in both political and social spheres.[i] People fighting for gender equality, justice and political inclusion are often subjected to violence. This can manifest in abductions and enforced disappearances, smear campaigns and online attacks[ii], or even sexual violence, causing many women to retreat from political and civic life altogether. The compounded instabilities of Libya, emanating largely from political uncertainties and the absence of the rule of law, have allowed armed groups to enforce conservative norms and curb dissenting voices. Female activists, including Salwa Bugaighis and others, have paid dearly for their courage to speak out, and their murders reflect the dangers that female leaders face within the system. Violence against women in Libya not only perpetuates their exclusion from political and public life but also underscores the urgent need for systemic reforms to combat impunity and protect women’s rights.

Women played a vital role in the Libyan revolution, with their demonstrations sparking the uprising. For over a year before the Arab Spring, Libyan women protested in Benghazi, demanding justice for the 1996 Abu Salim prison massacre.[iii] They participated in demonstrations, documented human rights abuses, smuggled weapons, spied on the regime, supported the injured, and raised funds. Under Colonel Muammar Gaddafi’s rule, patriarchal traditions and conservative norms restricted women’s participation in public and political life, limiting them to a few professional fields where they still faced discrimination.

Women believed the revolution would grant them greater freedoms and a meaningful role in rebuilding their country. Iman Bugaighis described it as an “earthquake to the cultural status of women”.[iv] However, after Gaddafi’s fall, women have been marginalized from democratic transitions and peace processes and deprived of fundamental rights.

More than a decade later, the country has been engulfed in civil war, with rival governments and armed militias fuelling instability. The UN-backed Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tripoli faces opposition from the Libyan National Army (LNA) and the Government of National Stability (GNS). This division, compounded by the intervention of foreign powers, has fuelled conflict over Libya and the country’s resources.

The 2014 assassination of lawyer and activist Salwa Bugaighis due to her advocacy for women’s rights and democracy[v] represented a turning point in violence against women in Libya.[vi] The fact that her murder was left uninvestigated has emboldened violence against women and fostered a culture of impunity.[vii] Other activists such as Fariha Al-Berkwai and Entisar El Hassari were also killed, highlighting the ongoing risks for women in advocacy.

Systemic issues

Political instability, conservative social norms, and militia dominance have created a hostile environment for women in Libya since the Arab Spring. Women in public roles face continuous threats while the justice system fails to hold perpetrators of violence accountable.[viii] In addition to this, armed groups exploit gaps in the rule of law to enforce traditional gender roles. Lasting change requires addressing impunity at the governmental level as well as counteracting patriarchal norms across different strata of society.

Research has established that sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) occurs in many conflicts, and the general breakdown of societal cohesion, law, and order often causes it.[ix] A survey conducted by the Libyan Lawyers for Justice revealed that SGBV has been widespread nationwide since 2011.[x] There has been a particular increase in attacks on women civil society activists and human rights defenders, perpetuated by state-sanctioned entities, militias, and armed groups against women.

Demanding freedom from corruption and secluded criticism by armed groups, Hanan Al-Barassi was assassinated in 2020 in Benghazi.[xi]  Beyond targeted killings, Libyan women face harassment, verbal abuse, and physical violence in their daily lives. Armed groups have raided cafes, arrested women under vague moral charges, and imposed their own interpretations of public morality, such as the 2018 arrest of women in Benghazi for allegedly operating a casino[xii]—charges that were ultimately baseless but instilled fear in many women. The pervasive insecurity has restricted women’s mobility and public presence, with many forced to cancel professional or social activities due to the unpredictable actions of militias. For instance, some women have reported avoiding job opportunities or university interactions out of fear of harassment or violence, as militias exploit their control over public spaces and institutions to coerce women into favours, such as exchanging personal contact details for administrative assistance. The threat of violence coupled with bottom-up cultural pressures confines women to their homes, depriving them of the opportunity to fully participate in public, professional, or political life.

Socio-cultural and religious norms

Cultural and social norms in Libya have contributed substantially to the widespread occurrence of violence against women, which, in turn, affects their political participation, freedom of movement, and expression. Patriarchal norms constrain women’s public and political role in most cases, as they are viewed primarily as bearers of family honour. This belief system justifies controlling and confining women to safeguard family status. Violence against women, including sexual and domestic violence, is underreported due to fear of stigma and reprisals, reinforcing their exclusion from public spaces. These limitations discourage women from engaging in public life or politics by fostering an atmosphere of fear and insecurity. Many politically active women have been forced to exclude themselves due to threats and slander.

Likewise, women’s freedoms in terms of expression, mobility, and political participation have been severely curtailed in Libya due to religious beliefs.[xiii] Their participation in politics is always criticized and challenged, especially when it comes to conservative religious premises. For instance, popular heckling and being told to leave the podium were reserved for a female presenter named Sarah El-Mesallati during the 2012 inauguration ceremony of the new interim government for failing to cover her head[xiv], underscoring the gender-based tensions concerning women’s political involvement vis-a-vis traditional roles. Similarly, a male congress member in 2013 blamed women’s presence in the assembly for “drawing God’s fury,” reflecting a broader rejection of their participation in governance.

The Grand Mufti, Sheikh Sadiq Al-Ghariani, and other religious leaders have openly supported gender segregation in universities and workplaces[xv], which further restricts women’s participation in public and professional life. Additionally, Islamist groups in the East have increasingly restricted women’s mobility, forcing them to remain at home under the pretext of maintaining safety and religious decorum. Pressure to conform to religious dress codes, such as wearing the hijab or niqab, further illustrates how women’s public expression is curtailed. These religious restrictions, fused with traditional patriarchal norms, militarism, and fundamentalism confine women to private spheres and suppress their roles as political actors and active participants in broader society.

The legal system

An atmosphere of fear, exploitation, and discrimination has been fostered by Libya’s inadequate legal protections and inefficient justice systems, which have greatly increased violence against women.[xvi] Due to the lack of strong legal protections against gender-based violence, women are now at risk of abuse and have little chance of receiving justice. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) was signed by Libya. The convention’s implementation has been minimal, hindered by opposition from conservative factions such as Dar Aliftaa, which declared its articles “destructive” and contrary to religious principles. This hostility, along with the absence of effective legal enforcement mechanisms, has stalled the process of addressing violence against women. For instance, while Libya Law No. 10 of 1984 nominally provides some protection for women, it fails to provide for its enforcement and insists instead on a more problematic focus on honour crimes rather than those against the woman as such. This framing reinforces injurious cultural stigmas while allowing perpetrators to act with impunity.

The justice system does not protect women, and that is worsened by the continuing prominence of the militia and declining state authority. Armed groups act and operate outside law enforcement institutions. They use violence as a means to impose conservative norms and silence dissent. With no accountability, this leaves room for a wide range of gender-based violence, including harassment, abduction, and even murder. Most women do not report these crimes for fear of not being taken seriously by police and the judicial system. When asked why she didn’t report being sexually harassed, one woman said, “Which police? The police can’t do anything for me. The militias are too strong”. Such a culture of impunity emboldens the offenders as it demoralizes the victims from pursuing justice; this perpetuates cycles of violence and erodes trust in public institutions.

They are not the only reasons; the other important reason is the absence of special legal protections for women. Several proposed draft laws to deal with violence against women do not measure up to international standards.

The way forward

For legal reforms to succeed, criminalization of violence against women must not only be enacted but also taught and enforced to counter the patriarchal values and codes that have impeded the right of women to participate politically and socially. Alongside this, in providing survivor support measures we must also lay down transparent accountability mechanisms to build trust and deliver gender-based violence victim Justice. In addition, strengthening the legal architecture to enforce gender-sensitive laws against domestic violence, harassment, and discrimination would help dismantle structural barriers in realization of women’s rights. Women and marginalized groups should get access to free legal aid services as a means of ensuring that justice can be served.

Supporting civil society organizations to work toward gender equality through education and awareness of initiatives and campaigns to address gender-based violence, inequalities, and women’s rights is key in undermining deep-rooted patriarchal norms. These efforts should be far-reaching across all sectors, including universities, so as to oppose the systemic barriers faced by women in engaging fully in public life.

A quota system should be established at all levels of government in order to enhance women’s participation in political life and ensure adequate representation of women in all decision-making positions. Women capacity-building programs that are funded by international organizations, for example, the UN and the INGOs should be developed in collaboration with Libyan government and civil society organizations. Establishing a centralized, gender-sensitive data system to monitor women’s political engagement, economic inclusion, and experiences with violence shall evidence public insights for policymakers.

Gender-responsive governance could also bring government institutions through gender-sensitive training for officials on gender-sensitive policy formulation. Setting up a Gender Equality Task Force within government sectors will ensure tracking among ministries and international partners to encourage unified and strong reforms. Furthermore, it could have built stronger enforcement and legal systems by incorporating gender-specific training on the handling of gender-based violence cases for sensitivity and effectiveness during legal processes. Increased female representation in the security forces, including those in the police and judiciary, will further entrench the case for gender-responsive justice and law enforcement.

The quest for stability and democracy in Libya entails the resolving of the basic problems of political instability, militia impunity, and gender-based violence. The assassination of Salwa Bugaighis and the continuing attacks against women leaders have highlighted the need for judicial reforms to provide justice to women. Holding the perpetrators accountable, increasing legal protection, and fostering an inclusive environment will be fundamental in confronting the vicious cycle of violence and exclusion. Systemic transformations in Libya would therefore create an environment in which women can be protected while also taking an active part in bringing about the future of the country. The path to stability, governance, and equality will require political, legal, and social reforms of an integrated nature.